The signs were always there. We just didn’t pay attention or give it too much thought.
Ahead of the 2019 general elections, the Chief Justice of the Federation was controversially suspended by then-president Muhammadu Buhari.
What did we do?
It was glaring that something was amiss when the highest court in the land gave THAT judgment that brought back two candidates—Ahmed Lawan and Godswill Akpabio—who had participated in the presidential primaries, as senatorial candidates.
Remind me again, what did we do?
We looked on as one of those candidates not only won his senatorial election but went on to become the number one legislator in the country.
And ever since that selection—sorry, election—we’ve seen the tenure extension of the Inspector General of Police way beyond his retirement date, led by this same Senator.
No, we did almost nothing, again.
It took activist Omoyele Sowore highlighting the issue publicly months later for many of us to even realize such a thing had happened.
Before this, who remembers how quickly the debate—lasting less than two hours—on changing the National Anthem was settled last year?
If you still don’t see where this is all leading, let me make it clear: The Rule of Law has been SUSPENDED in Nigeria.
What we currently have is not democracy as it should be. It is a system of government that finds ways to get whatever it wants, even if it means exploiting loopholes or justifying constitutional breaches.
A system where the National Assembly can boldly decide to use voice votes to ratify the suspension of an elected official of a state because the leadership of the legislature knew there was little chance of getting the constitutionally required two-thirds majority.
But let’s take a step back.
The main issue here is the suspension of an elected governor and elected representatives of the people of Rivers State by another elected official.
The language was carefully chosen—suspended, not removed—because the constitution is clear in Section 188 on the process required to remove a governor.
See the pattern?
My first instinct was to call it a power grab, and many others have since echoed that sentiment. But the Presidency on Sunday denied any such accusations.
The president’s media aide, Bayo Onanuga, in a statement, said:
“Imagine a Rivers State where President Tinubu hesitated. The political standoff could have spiraled into violence, with attacks on lawmakers and the state’s vital oil infrastructure at risk. Schools and hospitals would shut down, investors would flee, and the human and economic toll would be catastrophic.”
True!
There is a possibility the crisis could have escalated. However, what Onanuga and other defenders of the president’s decision have failed to explain is this: Did the State of Emergency require the suspension of elected officials to forestall a breakdown of law and order?
The declaration of a State of Emergency typically involves deploying military personnel to aid the police in maintaining security. While I agree that President Tinubu may have seen security reports that none of us is privy to, taking it one step further to suspend elected officials is nothing short of a power grab.
What has been going on in Rivers State over the past two years is a battle of supremacy between Governor Sim Fubara and his predecessor, the current FCT Minister, Nyesom Wike.
But if you had been living on Mars and just returned to Earth last Tuesday, listening to President Tinubu’s broadcast would make you think Governor Fubara is both the genesis and revelation of the Rivers State crisis.
The Attorney General, several admirers of the president, and sudden defenders of Rivers State have all justified the suspension of elected officials as a necessary measure to prevent a breakdown of law and order.
Some have even gone as far as suggesting that the suspension is a blessing in disguise for the governor, as it effectively ends the impeachment proceedings against him.
Utter nonsense!
Last Tuesday’s one-sided blame game from the president made one thing clear: Wike has enjoyed the backing of President Tinubu in his bid to unseat Governor Fubara all along.
Wike’s camp, and by extension, the president, knew that without the Chief Judge of Rivers State on their side, the chances of impeachment succeeding were slim.
With the reported CPC wing of the APC realigning towards a possible Atiku Abubakar 2027 candidacy, Wike’s camp—which has not hidden its loyalties lie outside its political party, the PDP—needs Rivers State.
Don’t ask me why they need Rivers State. If you know, you know.
So, since impeachment was unlikely to succeed, what better way to get the governor out of the way than through a State of Emergency?
Governor Fubara himself did not help matters. From illegally using four members as a legislative arm for about a year to making provocative statements, he practically played into the hands of his opponents, and they seized upon it.
Still, is it not ironic that a government that went to court to stop governors from unilaterally suspending or removing elected officials at the local government level is now justifying this suspension—which many, myself included, have called a coup?
If the entire goal of the State of Emergency was to prevent chaos, could that not have been achieved by deploying the military—just as President Jonathan did in 2014—without resorting to the unconstitutional removal of elected officials?
As of the time of writing this, another explosion at an NLNG facility has been recorded, though it remains unclear whether this was due to a malfunction or sabotage.
President Tinubu, in his broadcast last week, accused Governor Fubara of failing to prevent previous explosions. Will he now replace his Sole Administrator for failing to stop this one?
A lawmaker from Lagos State recently defended the National Assembly’s decision to use voice votes, arguing that the house has the right to decide its voting method.
Fair enough.
But the question no lawmaker supporting this charade has answered is this: How do you determine the constitutionally required two-thirds majority if there is no count?
By the way, I can already predict that, just like the Supreme Court used technicalities to dismiss the case of former Plateau State governor Joshua Dariye, no positive outcome will come from any legal challenge to this dangerous precedent set by President Tinubu.
The simple reason is that Nigeria today is not governed by the Rule of Law as it should be. We are in a democratic system that can be exploited to suit the whims and caprices of those in power.
So, I say it again: The Rule of Law has been suspended in Nigeria, and we are all on our own.
